WE ARE THE SLAVES OF THE CONFLICT

Tigran Paskevichyan: a person who dreams of being more a writer rather than a publicist, a habitant rather than a citizen, and to ask more questions than to answer the Lragir questions

What is happening in our political life now?

It is difficult to give an assessment because not much is changed on the agenda. The news of the last year was the Armenian and Turkish protocols, which in my opinion, activated the Karabakh issue. Nevertheless, the main issue of the agenda remained the same- the change of government which may prevent undesired developments.

Can we presume that we did not find the ways of struggle?

The main way of struggle is consistency. Those who say that the struggle is frozen, compare it with the 2007-08 post-electoral process forgetting that electoral periods have their energy. Presidential elections supposed for relevant steps which were made and were right, and maybe this is the reason why the government, not finding any argument used force.

After such an end in presidential elections, the strategy changed. Now I think the Congress is working with a non-revolutionary method showing to the government at the same time the right way and the senseless attitude of the government not to use it. We may say the opposition does not have achievements and the government does not have prospects. We may also say that the achievement of the opposition is the elimination of prospects for the government.

Can the government keep power using force?

No power lasted for long through force. The Soviet Union, which occupied the 1 / 6 of the world had 250 million inhabitants, nuclear weapons, untold mineral wealth, did not manage to resist through force. When I say the government has no prospect, I mean to set hopes on force. The public has mass requirement, even the brute force cannot save authorities is the requirements are not fulfilled.

Active debates and new initiatives are formed within the public. How do you feel about this?

I am just glad for new initiatives. Pluralism has always given me pleasure. In 88-90-ies the members of Karabakh Committee and HHSh were not alone. There were many initiatives, organizations, and opinions. Many criticized the committee and the HHSh for the absence of a program.

There was such an organization with a pre-parliament name which tried to develop laws for yet non-existent country. It was all positive. Positive insofar as any new organization or idea, but only the force which solves the most urgent task becomes dominant. Congress insisted on a change of power, someone believes that it is necessary to amend the Constitution. Let us correct, but if the real power is in the hands of the top of the pyramid, what will change. Let me say briefly - if the house is on fire, we must first put out the fire, and not to discuss what kind of fire safety systems would be right to be installed.

Do you want to say we must take the power and only after to solve other problems?

Levon Ter-Petrosyan set this task very clearly in 2007 when he said that it was necessary to dismantle the ruling pyramid. There was an interesting point that few people paid attention. In 2007, he said – I am back for 3 years, I will run for president and will go out of power and politics in general. That is, he attaches importance to the elections because in Armenia there have never been elections. The elections in 90 became simply an assurance of commitment to the movement but not an election. In ’91 people elected the king, not a president. Levon Ter-Petrosyan was the embodiment of a lost kingdom. Let us be honest, a democratic society does not elect the president by 80 percent of votes. In ’96 the king was to become president, but the political elite cut short this process. After 96, Ter-Petrosyan was no longer a king, but did not become president. Therefore, in the 98 people once again tried to elect a king - Karen Demirchyan. I think one of the main objectives of the return of Levon Ter-Petrosyan was the desire to introduce, finally, electoral arrangements.

People still want the king. It is necessary to remove the image of the king of our thinking and put in its place the one of an elected president. For example, I dreamed of living in the reign of ordinary manager who would be interested in me as a person. The main thing is to know that he was elected by the majority, and its activity is controlled by a suitable manner.

What would you suggest in this situation?

I propose to understand that there are two poles. The first is the power which is not trusted, and the second is the opposition which is criticized everywhere. I agree that there is no opposition because there is no power, but at the same time, there is no power, because there is no opposition. I propose to the “compassionate” criticizers of the opposition to join the authorities, the opposition will only win because what happens will cause balance. And if not, let them join the opposition and seek for extraordinary elections.

Interview by SIRANUYSH PAPYAN